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Section 28

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Tagline "Is this Labour's idea of a comprehensive education?" above an image of three books with the titles "Young, Gay and Proud", "Police: Out of School!" and "The playbook for kids about sex"
Conservative Party poster criticising the Labour Party's support for LGBTQ education for the 1987 general election campaign, the year before Section 28 was enacted

Section 28 refers to a part of the Local Government Act 1988, which stated that local authorities in England, Scotland and Wales "shall not intentionally promote homosexuality or publish material with the intention of promoting homosexuality" or "promote the teaching in any maintained school of the acceptability of homosexuality as a pretended family relationship[1]". It is sometimes referred to as Clause 28[2].

The legislation came into effect on 24 May 1988[3] during Margaret Thatcher's premiership. It caused many organisations, such as LGBT student support groups to either close, limit their activities or to self-censor.[4] In addition, Section 28 had a widespread impact on schools across the United Kingdom. This was due to uncertainty around what constituted the "promotion" of homosexuality, leading many teachers to avoid discussing the topic in any educational context.[5]

Section 28 was first repealed in Scotland under the Ethical Standards in Public Life etc. (Scotland) Act 2000[6]. It was subsequently repealed in England and Wales in November 2003[7], following New Labour's initial unsuccessful attempt to repeal the legislation under the Local Government Act 2000[8].

History

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Background

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Homosexuality was decriminalised for men over the age of 21 under the Sexual Offences Act 1967,[9] following recommendations made in the Wolfdenden report in 1957.[10] However, discrimination against gay men, and LGBT people in general, continued in the following decades.

This was exacerbated in 1981,[11] as the first recorded cases of HIV/AIDS were found in five gay men with no previous health issues.[12] The mass media, as well as medical professionals, then associated HIV/AIDS with gay and bisexual men. Although subsequent medical research showed that gay men were not the only people who were susceptible to contracting the virus,[13] the perceived association with HIV/AIDS increased the stigmatisation of gay and bisexual men. This correlated with higher levels of discrimination towards LGBT people.[14] Data from the British Social Attitudes Survey suggests that homophobia peaked in the United Kingdom in 1987, as 75% of the survey’s respondents believed that homosexual activity was "always or mostly wrong.”[15]

Despite growing levels of homophobia in 1980s Britain, several Labour-led councils across the country introduced a range of anti-discrimination policies[16] and provided specialist support services for their LGBT constituents. The Greater London Council also granted funding to a number of LGBT organisations, including the London Lesbian and Gay Community Centre in Islington.[17]

Islington London Borough Council received further attention in 1986, when the Islington Gazette reported that a copy of the children’s book Jenny Lives with Eric and Martin was available in a local school library. The copy found by the Islington Gazette was actually located in an Inner London Education Authority teachers’ resource centre, and there was no evidence to support the newspaper’s claim that it was seen or used by children. However, the book’s portrayal of a young girl living with her father and his male partner provoked widespread outrage from the right-wing press and Conservative politicians.[18] Following this, the 1987 election campaign saw the Conservative Party issue posters attacking the Labour Party for supporting the provision of LGBT education. Jenny Lives with Eric and Martin was referenced frequently in the parliamentary debates that led to the introduction of Section 28.[19]

Legislation

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Conservative backbench members of Parliament became concerned that left-wing councils or schools would provide children with pro-homosexual material or commend homosexuality to children,[a] both described by parliamentarians backing the bill as morally wrong[b] but which could be carefully policed by judges in applying a narrow sense to the meaning of the word promote. In 1986, Lord Halsbury first tabled the Local Government Act 1986 (Amendment) Bill,[20] whose long title was An act to refrain local authorities from promoting homosexuality, in the House of Lords, drafted for him by Lord Campbell of Alloway. At the time, the incumbent Conservative government considered Halsbury's bill to be too misleading and risky. The bill successfully passed the House of Lords and Conservative MP Jill Knight had the bill pass the first stage in the Commons. However, impeded by the 1987 general election, this Bill, commonly called the Earl of Halsbury's Bill failed. Its provisions were not reintroduced by the government on its re-election.

Instead, on 2 December 1987 in committee, Conservative MP David Wilshire proposed an amendment to the new Local Government Bill, as not yet passed, debated as Clause 27 and later as Clause 28, intended to be equivalent to the Earl of Halsbury's Bill.[21] The government agreed to support the tabling of the amendment in exchange for Knight forgoing her place on the Health and Medicines Bill standing committee;[22] the amendment received the support of the Ministers for Local Government, Michael Howard and Michael Portillo. On being tabled, a compromise amendment was introduced by Simon Hughes on 8 December 1987 that was debated in the House on 15 December 1987 and which was defeated by a majority of 87,[20] and the bill was approved on its first Commons debate that day. The bill was read a first time in the Lords two days later.[23]

Lord McIntosh of Haringey took up the mantle of Simon Hughes' amendments in the Lords' second reading, furthered by the Bishop of Manchester, Stanley Booth-Clibborn:

I should regret it if this Bill were to go through with this clause unamended. If it were to do so, I think it should certainly be confined to schools because otherwise there would be a real danger that some organisations which do good work in helping those with homosexual orientation, psychologically and in other ways, would be very much impeded.

A spectrum of literature across the ages was cited (in support of these compromise amendments) by Lord Peston. Nonetheless, the Bill passed second reading in the Lords before going to a whole house committee.[24]

In that debate Lord Boyd-Carpenter cited a book display, and proposals for "gay books" to be present in a children's home and a gay pride week to be permissible in schools by named London councils. However, on questioning, he said, "of course, 'promotion' can be treated in different ways. If the clause becomes law it will be a matter for the courts to interpret in the sensible way in which the courts do interpret the law." The SDP peer Viscount Falkland with Lord Henderson of Brompton proposed another compromise amendment, the so-called "Arts Council" amendment, and remarked "There is a suggestion in the clause that in no way can a homosexual have a loving, caring or responsible relationship".

Lord Somers countered:

One has only to look through the entire animal world to realise that it is abnormal. In any case, the clause as it stands does not prohibit homosexuality in any form; it merely discourages the teaching of it. When one is young at school one is very impressionable and may just as easily pick up bad habits as good habits.

The narrowing amendment failed by a majority of 55 voting against it; and the Lords voted the clause through the following day by a majority of 80.[25][26]

Michael Colvin MP thus on 8 March asked whether the minister, Christopher Chope, would discuss with the Association of London Authorities the level of expenditure by local authorities in London on support for gay and lesbian groups to which he replied:

No. Clause 28 of the Local Government Bill will ensure that expenditure by local authorities for the purpose of promoting homosexuality will no longer be permitted.[27]

The following day Tony Benn said during a debate in the House of Commons:

[...] if the sense of the word "promote" can be read across from "describe", every murder play promotes murder, every war play promotes war, every drama involving the eternal triangle promotes adultery; and Mr. Richard Branson's condom campaign promotes fornication. The House had better be very careful before it gives to judges, who come from a narrow section of society, the power to interpret "promote".[28]

Wilshire added that "there is an awful lot more promotion of homosexuality going on by local government outside classrooms", and the tempering amendments of that day's final debate were defeated by 53 votes.[29]

Section 28 became law on 24 May 1988. The night before, several protests were staged by lesbians, including abseiling into Parliament and an invasion of the BBC1's Six O'Clock News,[30] during which one woman managed to chain herself to Sue Lawley's desk and was sat on by the newsreader Nicholas Witchell.[31]

Controversy over applicability

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After Section 28 was passed, there was some debate as to whether it actually applied in schools or whether it applied only to local authorities. Whilst head teachers and Boards of Governors were specifically exempt, schools and teachers became confused as to what was actually permitted and tended to err on the side of caution.

A National Union of Teachers (NUT) statement remarked that "While Section 28 applies to local authorities and not to schools, many teachers believe, albeit wrongly, that it imposes constraints in respect of the advice and counselling they give to pupils. Professional judgement is therefore influenced by the perceived prospect of prosecution", and that it "limits the ability of local authorities to support schools in respect of learning and educating for equality. The effect of Section 28, therefore, is to inhibit anti discrimination initiatives and make it difficult for schools to prevent or address the serious problems that arise from homophobic bullying".[32]

Similarly, the Department for Education and Science said that "Section 28 does not affect the activities of school governors, nor of teachers [...] It will not prevent the objective discussion of homosexuality in the classroom, nor the counselling of pupils concerned about their sexuality",[33] to which Knight responded by saying that "This has got to be a mistake. The major point of it was to protect children in schools from having homosexuality thrust upon them".[33]

Some local authorities continued to deliver training to their staff in their education system on how to deliver their services without discrimination against gay people; Manchester City Council continued to sustain four officer posts directly involved in policy making and implementation, contributing to the 1992 report Section 28 of the Local Government Act 1988: a Guide for Workers in the Education Service, produced by Manchester City Council, May 1992.[34]

The Library Association (now CILIP) produced a briefing booklet for librarians with advice on how to avoid breaking the incoming law in 1988.[35][36]

The Gay Librarians Group also organised against the law and encouraged their members to write to their unions, attend marches and had a regular newsletter at the time called 'Stop Clause 28'.[37]

Before its repeal, the influence of Section 28 had already been diminished: sex education in England and Wales has been regulated solely by the Secretary of State for Education since the Learning and Skills Act 2000 and the Education Act 1996. Nevertheless, many campaigners still saw abolishing Section 28 as "a symbolic measure against intolerance", and campaigned for its repeal.[38]

Prosecutions and complaints

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Although there were no successful prosecutions under the law, there were legal attempts to use it to stop the funding of LGBT and HIV/AIDS prevention initiatives.

In May 2000, Glasgow City Council halted funding to LGBT groups as local resident Sheena Strain (with the backing of the Christian Institute) took them to the Court of Session, objecting to her council tax being used for what she viewed as the promotion of homosexuality. In particular she objected to the funding of Project for HIV and Aids Care and Education (PHACE West), which produced and distributed a safe sex guide 'Gay Sex Now', which she considered pornographic.[39][40] In July of the same year, she dropped the case, having reached agreement that the council would send a covering letter to grant recipients stating "You will not spend these monies for the purpose of promoting homosexuality nor shall they be used for the publication of any material which promotes homosexuality." The council had been intending to defend using the argument that PHACE West's principal activity was preventing the spread of HIV/AIDS, so was not promoting homosexuality. In the meantime the Scottish Parliament had passed the Ethical Standards in Public Life etc. (Scotland) Act 2000, which repealed the law.[41]

Political response

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Demonstrators in the Netherlands protest Section 28 during a state visit by Elizabeth II to the country, 1988

The introduction of Section 28 served to galvanise the disparate British LGBT rights movement into action.[42][43] The resulting protest saw the rise of now famous groups like Stonewall,[30] started by, amongst other people, Ian McKellen and Michael Cashman, and OutRage!.[30] Schools Out was formed in 1974 (as The Gay Teachers Association)[44] and campaigned against the act, as well as supporting teachers on how to counter homophobia in schools.[44] Many other groups not directly associated with LGBT rights also wanted the legislation removed, such as Gingerbread (a charity for single parents), the Family Planning Association and the Terrence Higgins Trust.[38] Many in the labour movement and trade unions also opposed the legislation.[45] A demonstration took place in Manchester led by John Shiers against Section 28 in 1988 with 25,000 people attending.[46]

The issue began to divide the Conservative party, heightening divisions between party modernisers and social conservatives.[47] In 1999, Conservative leader William Hague controversially sacked frontbencher Shaun Woodward for refusing to support the party line for Section 28's retention,[48] prompting pro-gay rights Conservatives, such as Steven Norris, to speak out against the decision. 2000 saw gay Conservative advisor Ivan Massow defect to the Labour Party in response to the Conservative Party's continued support of Section 28.[49] The Secondary Heads Association and NASUWT objected to repealing the legislation, saying that "it would be inappropriate to put parents and governors in charge of each school's sex education policy".[38]

Repeal

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On 7 February 2000, the first attempted legislation to repeal Section 28 was introduced by the Labour Government as part of the Local Government Act 2000, but was defeated by a House of Lords campaign led by Baroness Young.[50] Theresa May, the acting Shadow Education Secretary, called the defeat "a victory for commonsense".[51]

In the Scottish Parliament, the repeal process was more successful. The Equality Network led the campaign in favour of scrapping Section 28, while various groups campaigned against the repeal.[52] The Scottish millionaire businessman Brian Souter privately funded a postal ballot as part of his Keep the Clause campaign, which he claimed returned 86% support for keeping the clause, from a response from less than one third of the 3.9 million registered Scottish voters.[53] The then Communities Minister, Wendy Alexander MSP, criticised the poll, stating "I think what is significant about today's ballot is that two out of three voters rejected, or binned or simply ignored this glorified opinion poll."[54] Nicola Sturgeon of the SNP responded that the result showed that many Scots were concerned about repeal and said: "That is why the SNP have urged a policy for many months that we believe can provide people with the necessary reassurance, by providing a statutory underpinning to the guidelines, and resolve this difficult debate. We believe that the value of [heterosexual] marriage should be clearly referred to in the guidelines".[55] Gay rights campaigner Peter Tatchell stated that "Brian Souter's support for Section 28 is the moral equivalent of the business-funded campaign to maintain racial segregation in the Deep South of the USA in the 1950s." Tatchell said that Souter's campaign was "hateful" and that it is clear that he was using his vast fortune to try to keep a cruel and "bigoted law" intact.[56]

Despite Souter's efforts, Section 28 (more accurately Section 2A of the relevant Scottish legislation) was repealed by MSPs as part of the Ethical Standards in Public Life Act on 21 June 2000 with a 99 to 17 majority vote with two abstentions. The 17 votes against were all Conservative MSPs.[57]

Despite the previous reversals of the House of Commons by the House of Lords, backbench MPs introduced a fresh amendment to repeal Section 28 in England and Wales as part of another Local Government Bill in early 2003. In response to a further amendment tabled by Conservative MPs, that would have sent the matter to local referendums throughout the country, Edward Davey said "In a liberal democracy, the need to protect minorities properly sometimes means that protection cannot be achieved through the ballot box and that some things are not appropriate for a vote."[58] After a backlash over the party leadership's attitude to gay rights, the Conservative Party allowed its MPs and peers a free vote on the repeal.[59] The amendment was supported by the government and was passed by the Commons in March, by 368 to 76 (71 of the 76 against were Conservative MPs).[60] With organised opposition in the Lords weakened by the death of Baroness Young, peers voted in favour of repeal by 180 to 130 in July.[61]

On 18 September 2003, the Local Government Bill received Royal Assent as the Local Government Act 2003 and Section 28 was taken off the statute books.[62] However, Kent County Council decided to create their own version of Section 28 to keep the effect of the now-repealed law in their schools.[63] This was replaced on 16 December 2004 with provisions stating that heterosexual marriage and family relationships are the only firm foundations for society, as the statement now says: "We will ensure that sex education values family and marriage as the foundation of a civilised society, and a firm basis for the nurturing of children".[64] This was eventually quashed by the Equality Act 2010.

Support for Section 28

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Religious groups including, but not limited to, The Salvation Army,[65] the Christian Institute,[66] Christian Action, Research and Education,[67] and the Muslim Council of Britain, expressed their support for Section 28. The Conservative Party, despite dissent within its ranks on the issue, whipped its members in support of Section 28 in 2000, but in 2003, after further dissent from within the party, allowed a free vote. In the House of Lords, the campaign against the repeal of Section 28 was led by Baroness Young, who died in 2002. Newspapers that strongly supported Section 28 included The Daily Mail, The Sun and The Daily Telegraph.

In Scotland, the most visible supporters of Section 28 were Brian Souter and the Daily Record newspaper.

The main argument in support of Section 28 was to protect children from "predatory homosexuals" and advocates seeking to "indoctrinate" vulnerable young people into homosexuality. Various other arguments were also used in support of Section 28 which are summarised as follows:

  • That promotion of homosexuality in schools undermined marriage;
  • That Section 28 prohibited only the promotion, not the legitimate discussion of, homosexuality;
  • That Section 28 did not prevent the counselling of pupils who were being bullied;
  • Proponents also attempted to demonstrate that the general public was supportive of Section 28.[68][69]

Opposition to Section 28

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Activists target a bus operated by Brian Souter's Stagecoach company at a rally in Albert Square, Manchester, on 15 July 2000.[70]

Gay rights advocates, such as Stonewall, OutRage!, Capital Gay, The Pink Paper and the Gay Times formed the major opposition to Section 28 and led the campaign for its repeal. Prominent individuals who spoke out for the repeal of Section 28 included Sir Ian McKellen, Michael Cashman, Ivan Massow, Mo Mowlam, Simon Callow, Annette Crosbie, Michael Grade, Jane Horrocks, Michael Mansfield QC, Helen Mirren, Claire Rayner, Ned Sherrin and Alan Moore.[43]

A packed benefit held at the Piccadilly Theatre on 5 June 1988 called "Before the Act" mustered over 60 performers, among them Timothy West, Michael Cashman, Simon Rattle, Paul Eddington, Maureen Lipman, the Medici String Quartet, Pet Shop Boys, Maggie Ford, Sheila Hancock, Jill Bennett, Stephen Fry, Richard Griffiths, Harold Pinter, Joan Plowright, Antony Sher, Ned Sherrin and Ian McKellen.[71]

A coalition of comic book creators, including Alan Moore, Frank Miller, Robert Crumb, Art Spiegelman, Neil Gaiman, and many others, produced a comic anthology called AARGH and raised at least £17,000 to contribute to the fight against the legislation, according to Moore.[72] Boy George wrote a song opposed to Section 28, entitled "No Clause 28". The band Chumbawamba recorded a single entitled "Smash Clause 28! Fight the Alton Bill!" which was an attack on Clause/Section 28 and a benefit for a gay rights group; it also featured 12 pages of hand printed notes relating to gay rights. The legislation was also opposed by some religious groups and leaders, such as Richard Harries, Bishop of Oxford. Newspapers that came out in opposition included The Guardian, The Independent and The Daily Mirror.[73]

Political parties that were later opposed to Section 28 included the Labour Party,[73] (although at the time of the debate, Jack Cunningham for the Labour Front bench said the Labour Party did not oppose it) the Liberal Democrats and the Green Party. In the House of Lords the campaign for repeal was led by openly gay peer Waheed Alli. Perhaps the most famous act of opposition to Section 28 came when Shaun Woodward, a Conservative MP with a transgender sister, defected from the Conservative Party and his seat and joined the ruling Labour Party in opposition to the Conservatives' continued support of Section 28.

The main point of argument claimed by opponents of Section 28 was the complaint that it discriminated against homosexuals and bisexuals, and hence was an intolerant and unjust law. Various other arguments were also used against Section 28 which are summarised as follows:

  • That, by excluding homosexual support groups and appearing to prevent teachers from protecting victims of homophobic bullying, Section 28 was actually endangering vulnerable children;[74]
  • The claim that Section 28 made the assumption that homosexuals were inherently dangerous to children, implying an association between homosexuality, bisexuality and paedophilia, as obvious from the "predatory homosexuals" argument of the supporters of the law;[75]
  • Not only did Section 28 prevent the active promotion of homosexuality, but also it appeared to give a legal reason to oppose it in schools and other forums if necessary;[74]
  • The claim that Section 28 was a law which gave an impression to the public that the government sanctioned homophobia;[75]
  • The idea that homosexuality could be "promoted" implied that homosexuality was a choice which people could be persuaded to make, in contrast to the Section's opponents' view that homosexuality is biologically determined;[76]
  • It was no longer relevant due to the Learning and Skills Act 2000 and the Education Act 1996.[citation needed]

Legacy

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Rainbow plaque marking the location of protests against Section 28 in Victoria Gardens, Leeds

In 2012, when the Coalition government launched its consultation into legalising same-sex marriages, Harrow East MP Bob Blackman suggested that David Cameron should resurrect Section 28, stating that he strongly believed that "Section 28 was the right rules to have in school so that we should not promote in any way shape or form promote same-sex relationships" and said he would be "very opposed" to seeing teachers being forced to say same-sex relationships are equivalent to heterosexual relationships. Shortly after, Blackman's Labour predecessor Tony McNulty branded him a "complete idiot" on Twitter.[77]

In 2014, a Stonewall report on homophobic bullying in schools found that 37% of primary school teachers and 29% of secondary school teachers did not know if they were allowed to teach lessons on LGBT+ issues.[78]

In 2015, Pink News accused the Evangelical Alliance's report to the Women and Equalities Select Committee's transgender inquiry, which said in part that "children should be protected from having to sort through [questions regarding sex or gender] before they reach an appropriate age" as reminiscent of Section 28.[79]

After the Women and Equalities Select Committee recommended updating the Gender Recognition Act 2004 away from a medicalised approach and towards one based on statutory declarations in 2016, the ensuing and ongoing debate raised fears among some trans people that a new Section 28 could be introduced, especially after equalities minister Liz Truss said that government policy would be based in part on the principle "that the under 18s are protected from decisions that they could make, that are irreversible in the future."[80][81][82] LGBT+ rights charity Stonewall stated that the government rhetoric "sounds similar to how young lesbian, gay and bi people were spoken about in the 1980s."[83]

In 2016, research by Janine Walker and Jo Bates found that Section 28 still had a lasting effect on school libraries, with very little LGBTQ+ literature available or support from librarians being given.[84] Later in 2019, John Vincent said that through his research he still met British librarians who assumed Section 28 was still in place.[85]

A 2018 study from Anglia Ruskin University found that only 20% of LGBT+ teachers who had taught under Section 28 were openly LGBT+, whereas almost 90% of those had been trained after the repeal of the law were. The study additionally found that 40% of the teachers from the Section 28 era saw their LGBT+ identity as incompatible with their role as teachers, whereas only 13% of the post-Section 28 era teachers did.[86]

Academies

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Section 28 received renewed attention in late 2011, when Michael Gove, in Clause 28 of the Model Funding Agreement for academies and free schools, added the stipulation that the benefits of marriage be taught in schools.[87] Although the clause does not explicitly mention sexual orientation, with same-sex marriage not being legal at the time, it prompted The Daily Telegraph (traditionally supportive of the Conservative Party) to draw comparisons between the two clauses.[88]

Academies and the Department for Education came under greater scrutiny in August 2013, when LGBT activists, in co-ordination with the British Humanist Association (BHA), identified over forty schools whose policies either replicated the language of Section 28 in their sex and relationship education (SRE) policies or were "unhelpfully vague" on the issue.[89] Several of the schools highlighted by the BHA included the Evelyn Grace Academy chain of faith schools – which opened after the repeal of Section 28, Tasker-Milward V.C. School, whose SRE policy, dating from 2008, implied the clause was still in force, and The Northumberland Church of England Academy, who was listed as a School Champion by LGBT rights charity Stonewall and whose staff spoke at Stonewall's 2013 Education for All Conference.[90] In light of the media coverage, the Welsh Government announced an investigation into the Tasker-Milward School,[91] and the Department for Education, announcing its own investigation, stated that schools were prohibited under DfE guidance from discriminating on the basis of sexual orientation.[92]

Cultural depictions

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Margaret Thatcher Queen of Soho (2013), a drag comedy musical play, displays what life would have been like if Margaret Thatcher had got lost in Soho on the eve of the vote for Section 28. It was produced in December 2013 by Jon Brittain, Aine Flanagan, Matt Tedford at Theatre503 in London.[93]

Next Lesson (2015) is a comedy drama written by Chris Woodley which explores Section 28 in a fictional South East London school from 1988 to 2006. The play was first performed at The Pleasance Theatre, London in 2015. To mark the thirtieth anniversary of Section 28 a new production was staged at Above The Stag Theatre London in August 2018. A staged reading was also performed in The House of Lords by The BRIT School in June 2018.[citation needed]

Russell T. Davies included a scene in the TV series Queer as Folk (1999) with a classmate of the gay schoolboy Nathan stopping a teacher discussing an author's sexuality with "You can't teach us about poofs. You're not allowed." He referenced it again in It's A Sin (2021), where gay schoolteacher Ash is ordered to remove books from the school library which reference homosexuality, following the introduction of the law in 1988.[94]

The Outrage (2021) by British author William Hussey is a dystopian novel set in future England, overtaken by a far-right government which prosecutes LGBT people. The government gets its power to do so from a fictive law called Section 28, named after the 1988 law.[95]

Blue Jean (2022) depicts the struggles of a young lesbian teacher in the north east of England as she comes to terms with her sexuality against the background of the passage of Clause 28 in 1988.[96]

See also

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Explanatory notes

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Citations

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  1. ^ "Local Government Act 1988". Retrieved 22 October 2024.
  2. ^ "Public Attitudes To Section 28". Ipsos. 1 February 2000. Retrieved 22 October 2024.
  3. ^ "Section 28: impact, fightback and repeal". The National Archives. Retrieved 22 October 2024.
  4. ^ "Knitting Circle 1989 Section 28 gleanings". Archived from the original on 18 August 2007. Retrieved 1 July 2006.
  5. ^ Greenland, Katy; Nunney, Rosalind (20 November 2008). "The repeal of Section 28: it ain't over 'til it's over". Pastoral Care in Education. 26 (4): 243–251. doi:10.1080/02643940802472171.
  6. ^ "The 20th anniversary of the repeal of section 28 of the Local Government Act 1988". House of Commons Library. Retrieved 22 October 2024.
  7. ^ "The 20th anniversary of the repeal of section 28 of the Local Government Act 1988". House of Commons Library. Retrieved 22 October 2024.
  8. ^ Lee, Catherine (2023). Pretended: Schools and Section 28. Historical, cultural and personal perspectives. Melton, United Kingdom: John Catt Educational Ltd. p. 92. ISBN 978-1915261694.
  9. ^ "Sexual Offences Act 1967", legislation.gov.uk, The National Archives, 1967 c. 60
  10. ^ "Regulating sex and sexuality: the 20th century". UK Parliament. Retrieved 25 October 2024.
  11. ^ Gallo RC (2006). "A reflection on HIV/AIDS research after 25 years". Retrovirology. 3 (1): 72. doi:10.1186/1742-4690-3-72. PMC 1629027. PMID 17054781.
  12. ^ "Timeline of The HIV and AIDS Epidemic". HIV.gov. Retrieved 25 October 2024.
  13. ^ "The History of AIDS and ARC" at the LSU Law Center
  14. ^ Herek, GM; Capitanio, JP; Widaman, KF (March 2002). "HIV-related stigma and knowledge in the United States: prevalence and trends, 1991–1999". American Journal of Public Health. 92 (3): 371–7. doi:10.2105/AJPH.92.3.371. PMC 1447082. PMID 11867313.
  15. ^ Clements, B.; Field, C. D. (1 June 2014). "Public Opinion toward Homosexuality and Gay Rights in Great Britain". Public Opinion Quarterly. 78 (2): 523–547. doi:10.1093/poq/nfu018. ISSN 0033-362X.
  16. ^ Jones, Carol; Mahony, Pat, eds. (1989). Learning our lines: sexuality and social control in education. London: Women's Press. ISBN 978-0-7043-4199-9.
  17. ^ Labour and the Left in the 1980s. Manchester University Press. 1 February 2018. doi:10.7228/manchester/9781526106438.001.0001. ISBN 978-1-5261-2093-9.
  18. ^ Buckle, Sebastian Charles. "Homosexual Identity in England, 1967-2004: Political Reform, Media and Social Change" (PDF). Retrieved 25 October 2024.
  19. ^ Davis, Glyn (2 January 2021). "'Gay Sex Kits': Lessons in the History of British Sex Education". Third Text. 35 (1): 145–160. doi:10.1080/09528822.2020.1861872. ISSN 0952-8822.
  20. ^ a b "Prohibition on Promoting Homosexuality by Teaching or by Publishing Material". Parliamentary Debates (Hansard). 15 December 1987. Retrieved 29 September 2015.
  21. ^ "The Local Government Bill [HL]: the 'section 28' debate" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 28 November 2007.
  22. ^ Street, John (25 December 1987). "The Diary". Tribune.
  23. ^ Hansard from Millbank Systems Archive 17 December 1987 col 906
  24. ^ Hansard from Millbank Systems Archive Second reading debate in Lords col 966
  25. ^ Hansard from Millbank Systems Archive Lords 1 February 1988 col 865–890
  26. ^ Hansard from Millbank Systems Archive Lords 2 February 1988 col 865–890
  27. ^ Hansard from Millbank Systems Archive 8 March 1988 – House of Commons
  28. ^ Roberts, Scott (14 March 2014). "Tony Benn: "Long before it was accepted I did support gay rights"". Pink News. Retrieved 22 May 2015.
  29. ^ Hansard from Millbank Systems Archive Lengthy debates of 9 March – House of Commons
  30. ^ a b c "When gay became a four-letter word". BBC. 20 January 2000. Retrieved 4 January 2010.
  31. ^ "Nicholas Witchell". BBC. 1998. Archived from the original on 11 October 2003.
  32. ^ "NUT campaign to repeal Section 28". teachers.org.uk. National Union of Teachers. 5 April 2003. Archived from the original on 25 December 2004. Retrieved 24 May 2015.
  33. ^ a b Brian Deer, Schools escape clause 28 in 'gay ban' fiasco (Sunday Times).
  34. ^ "LGBT History: Real problems for real people". Manchester City Council. p. 2. Archived from the original on 11 June 2008.
  35. ^ "Idea Store - Sexuality and gender identity in Tower Hamlets: LGBTQI+ collections guide". www.ideastore.co.uk. Retrieved 6 February 2023.
  36. ^ Library Association (1988). Prohibition of promotion of homosexuality by teaching or by publishing material : Section 28 of the Local Government Act 1988;. London: Library Association.
  37. ^ "Gay Librarians Group". Library Association Record. 90 (2): 65. 1988.
  38. ^ a b c "Section 28: An overview". BBC News. 25 July 2000. Retrieved 24 May 2015.
  39. ^ "Council halts gay group cash". BBC News. 14 May 2000. Retrieved 31 January 2021.
  40. ^ "Freeze on cash for gays after legal move". The Herald. Herald & Times Group. 13 May 2000. Retrieved 1 February 2021.
  41. ^ "Gay groups claim court victory". BBC News. 6 July 2000. Retrieved 31 January 2021.
  42. ^ Gillan, Audrey (17 November 2003). "Section 28 gone ... but not forgotten". The Guardian. Retrieved 10 February 2016.
  43. ^ a b Godfrey, Chris (27 March 2018). "Section 28 protesters 30 years on". The Guardian. Retrieved 31 March 2018.
  44. ^ a b "About Us". Schools Out. Retrieved 22 May 2015.
  45. ^ "Solidarity and Sexuality: Lesbians and Gays Support the Miners 1984–5". Oxford History Workshop Journal, Volume 77, Issue 1 (Spring 2014), pp. 240–262.
  46. ^ Mottram, David (2012). "John Shiers obituary". Guardian. Guardian. Retrieved 22 September 2019.
  47. ^ Monahan, Martin (11 December 2018). "'Tory-normativity' and gay rights advocacy in the British Conservative Party since the 1950s". The British Journal of Politics and International Relations. 12 (1): 140–141. doi:10.1177/1369148118815407. S2CID 150298734.
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General and cited sources

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